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espagnol vers anglais: Modifiable habits and lifestyles in overweight and obese children (sample) General field: Médecine Detailed field: Nutrition
Texte source - espagnol Hábitos y estilos de vida modificables en niños con sobrepeso y obesidad
S. Villagrán Pérez1, A. Rodríguez-Martín2, J. P. Novalbos Ruiz2, J. M. Martínez Nieto3 y J. L. Lechuga Campoy1
1Hospital Universitario Puerta del Mar. Cádiz. Servicio Andaluz de Salud.
2Medicina Preventiva y Salud Pública. Universidad de Cádiz.
3Departamento de Enfermería. Universidad de Cádiz. España
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RESUMEN
Introducción: En la prevención del sobrepeso y la obesidad se presta mucha atención a la influencia de factores dietéticos siendo necesaria su valoración con otros factores modificables.
Objetivos: Estudiar la asociación entre factores modificables (actividad física, sedentarismo, y hábitos dietéticos) con la existencia de sobrepeso y obesidad en población infantojuvenil.
Métodos: Estudio transversal de 1283 escolares de 3 a 16 años con medición del IMC, hábitos dietéticos, actividad física, sedentarismo y antecedentes familiares de sobrecarga ponderal. La actividad física medida en MET se clasifico según los criterios de Pate.
Resultados: El 22,4% de los niños y el 32,9% de las niñas presentaron sobrecarga ponderal. La presencia de IMC>25 en los padres multiplico por 2,4 el riesgo de sobrecarga ponderal en los hijos (IC95% 1,5-3,7). Cumplen con las recomendaciones de actividad física el 63,6% de los niños con sobrecarga ponderal frente al 52,2% en la niñas, aunque en estas resulto ser superior a la media (45%). El tiempo de sedentarismo fue de 141 minutos en niños y 128 en la mujer, el mayor sedentarismo se asocia a sobrecarga ponderal, especialmente en niñas a partir de los 12 años (66.7%). El consumo de cereales (OR 0,8) y realizar cinco comidas al día (OR 0,5) actuan como protectores.
Conclusiones: En los niños con sobrecarga ponderal, los niveles de actividad física estan próximos a los recomendados, por lo que los valores de sedentarismo junto con los hábitos alimentarios, especialmente si los padres presentan sobrecarga ponderal, adquieren una mayor relevancia en las estrategias de intervención.
Palabras clave: Obesidad, Infancia, Factores de riesgo, Actividad fisica, Sedentarismo.
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Introducción
El sobrepeso y obesidad infantil está aumentando en los países desarrollados1,2, constituyendo la enfermedad nutricional más prevalente en occidente. Este hecho afecta su adaptación social, predispone a la obesidad en el adulto y reporta repercusiones significativas en la salud del niño a corto y largo plazo.
Las cifras de prevalencia de obesidad son muy variables, según los criterios utilizados para su definición, métodos de medición, población de referencia, y la plausibilidad de los datos obtenidos, ya que ésta varía en función del tiempo, edad, sexo, etnia, y región geográfica3. En España, el Estudio Enkid4,5, realizado sobre una muestra representativa de población de 2 a 24 años, concluyó que la prevalencia infanto-juvenil de obesidad era de 13,9% y de 12,4% para el sobrepeso, suponiendo un total de sobrecarga ponderal del 26,3%. La prevalencia de obesidad es significativamente mayor en varones (15,6%) que en mujeres (12%); por regiones los valores más altos se alcanzaron en la zona Sur y Canarias, siendo menores en el Norte de España.
La obesidad, considerada como enfermedad crónica, compleja y multifactorial, suele iniciarse en la infancia- adolescencia, y tiene su origen en una interacción entre factores genéticos y ambientales o conductuales4.
De todos los factores ambientales podemos destacar aquellos que por su frecuencia, magnitud y posibilidad de intervención pueden considerarse como modificables desde un punto de vista sociocultural y sanitario, tales como hábitos dietéticos, actividad física y grado de sedentarismo, y la influencia familiar6.
Entre los hábitos dietéticos predisponentes podemos destacar: un aumento de la ingesta de grasa (>38%), el consumo alto de refrescos, bollería, embutidos y el consumo bajo de frutas y verduras. Los jóvenes que realizan un desayuno completo suelen expresar tasas de obesidad más bajas que los que no desayunan o lo hacen de una forma incompleta7.
En cuanto a la actividad física, a estas edades son mas frecuentes los comportamientos sedentarios (ver la televisión, videojuegos) que los comportamientos activos, ya que los primeros se refuerzan fácilmente por inercia8, forman parte de los hábitos de vida de la familia y son más difíciles de cambiar9,10. Hoy día la televisión es considerada en los países occidentales como la mayor fuente de inactividad; la Academia Americana de Pediatría ha recomendado que en la infancia - adolescencia no se haga uso de más de 2 horas/día de Televisión.
Se ha observado la influencia de los niveles de actividad física de ambos padres en el grado de actividad de sus hijos. Así, los niños de madres activas tienen dos veces más probabilidades de ser activos, y si ambos padres son activos la posibilidad de un nivel optimo de actividad en el niño es 5,8 veces mayor11. Una forma de medir la actividad física es a través del cálculo del gasto energético asociado al ejercicio (en equivalentes metabólicos/día): valorándose el tiempo diario dedicado a realizar actividad física en el tiempo libre (deporte practicado fuera de la escuela y minutos de caminar al día) y en el colegio12.
Son numerosos los estudios que establecen la relación entre estilos de vida del entorno familiar con la obesidad infantil, constatándose la existencia de estilos de vida similares entre padres e hijos. En familias con malos hábitos alimentarios, la relación existente entre la ingesta de grasas y el IMC de los padres con la obesidad de los hijos puede ser indicador de la influencia familiar en el estado nutricional del niño. Estas similitudes familiares en los hábitos alimentarios pueden explicar parcialmente modelos familiares y tendencias de obesidad que persisten en adultos en un 30-60% de los casos. De forma significativa destaca la influencia de la obesidad materna, correlacionándose positivamente con el mayor consumo de grasa de los hijos13.
Por todo ello, es importante valorar el peso específico de los principales riesgos implicados en la obesidad infantil, fundamentalmente el componente familiar, la actividad física, el grado de sedentarismo y los hábitos alimentarios de tal modo que podamos actuar desde un punto de vista preventivo. Este conocimiento facilitará la posible reducción de la obesidad en niños y adolescentes con la consiguiente disminución de la morbilidad acompañante a esta situación.
Traduction - anglais Modifiable habits and lifestyles in overweight and obese children
S. Villagrán Pérez1, A. Rodríguez-Martín2, J. P. Novalbos Ruiz2, J. M. Martínez Nieto3 y J. L. Lechuga Campoy1
1Puerta del Mar University Hospital, Cadiz. Andalusian Health Service.
2Preventative Medicine and Public Health, University of Cadiz.
3Department of Nursing, University of Cadiz.
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ABSTRACT
Introduction: In the prevention of overweight and obesity, much emphasis is placed on the influence of dietary factors, although these factors should be evaluated in conjunction with other modifiable factors.
Objectives: To study the association between modifiable factors (physical activity, sedentary behaviour and dietary habits) and the prevalence of overweight and obesity in children and young people.
Methodology: A cross-sectional study was carried out in which information including BMI, dietary habits, levels of physical activity, time spent on sedentary behaviour and family history of weight problems was recorded for 1,283 children aged 3 to 16. Physical activity, measured in MET, was classified according to Pate’s criteria.
Results: 22.4% of the boys and 32.9% of the girls had overweight problems. Children with a parent whose BMI was >25 were 2.4 times more likely to have weight problems (95 % CI, OR 1.5-3.7). 63.6% of the boys who had weight problems did the recommended amount of physical activity, compared with 52.2% of the girls, although the girls’ percentage was above average (45%). The boys spent 141 minutes on sedentary behaviour and the girls spent 128 minutes. High levels of sedentary behaviour were associated with weight problems, especially in girls aged 12 or above (66.7%). Eating cereals (OR 0.8) and eating five meals per day (OR 0.5) were protective factors.
Conclusion: The overweight children nearly met the recommended levels of physical activity. Their eating habits and the time they spent on sedentary behaviour, therefore, gained relevance in regard to intervention strategies, especially where the parents had weight problems.
Rates of overweight and obesity in children are increasing in developed countries1,2 to the point where these nutritional diseases have become the most prevalent in the West. These diseases affect children’s social adaptation, predispose them to obesity in adulthood and have significant repercussions on their health in both the short and the long term.
Figures for the prevalence of obesity vary significantly according to the criteria used to define the disease; the methods used to measure it; the reference population; the reliability of the data obtained, which varies according to when the study was carried out; the age, sex, and ethnicity of the participants; and geographic region3. In Spain, the enKid study4,5, which was carried out using a representative sample of the population aged 2 to 24, concluded that 13.9% of children and young people were obese and 12.4% were overweight. In total, therefore, 26.3% had overweight problems. The prevalence of obesity was significantly higher in males (15.6%) than in females (12%). By region, the highest rates were recorded in the south of Spain and in the Canary Islands, and the lowest rates were recorded in the north of Spain.
Obesity is considered to be a chronic, complex and multifactorial disease. It tends to begin during childhood or adolescence and is the result of a combination of genetic factors and environmental or behavioural factors4.
Due to their frequency, their influence and their capacity to respond to intervention, some environmental factors can be considered to be modifiable from a sociocultural and health-care perspective. These factors include dietary habits, levels of physical activity, time spent on sedentary behaviour, and family influence6.
The most important predisposing dietary factors are: a high fat intake (>38%); a diet that is high in fizzy drinks, pastries, cakes and cold meats; and a low intake of fruit and vegetables. Lower rates of obesity are found among young people who eat a balanced breakfast than among those who do not have breakfast, or who eat an unbalanced breakfast7.
With regard to physical activity, sedentary behaviour (watching television, playing videogames, etc.) is more common than active behaviour in these age groups. This is because sedentary behaviour is easily compounded by inaction8, is part of a family’s way of life and is difficult to change9,10. In Western countries today, television is considered to be the greatest cause of inactivity; the American Academy of Pediatrics recommends that children and adolescents watch no more than 2 hours of television per day.
The study’s observations of the influence of parental levels of physical activity on activity levels in children suggest that children whose mothers are active are twice as likely to be active. If both parents are active, the children are 5.8 times more likely to have an optimum level of activity11. One method of measuring physical activity levels involves calculating the energy expenditure associated with the exercise (in metabolic equivalents per day), taking into account the daily time that children spend on physical activities both in free time (participation in sport outside of school and minutes spent walking per day) and in school12.
Many studies have established the relationship between family lifestyle and childhood obesity, showing that children have similar lifestyles to their parents. In families with poor eating habits, the relationship between the parents’ fat intake and BMI and their children’s obesity suggests that the family influences the child’s nutritional health. The fact that families share eating habits partially explains why there are patterns of obesity within families, and why obesity persists into adulthood in 30-60% of cases. The influence of maternal obesity is particularly significant, as there is a positive correlation between this factor and children having a higher fat intake13.
It follows from the above that it is important to evaluate the influence of each of the principal risk factors that contribute to childhood obesity – family influence, levels of physical activity, time spent on sedentary behaviour, and eating habits – with a view to taking preventative action. This understanding could pave the way for a reduction in childhood and adolescent obesity, resulting in a decrease in the mortality rates that are associated with this condition.
italien vers anglais: Application of the method for the sensory detection of 2,4,6-trichloroanisole (TCA) in wines General field: Sciences Detailed field: Vins / œnologie / viticulture
Texte source - italien Applicazione del metodo per la valutazione sensoriale del 2,4,6-tricloroanisolo (TCA) nei vini
Il difetto “odore di muffa” (comunemente, ma erroneamente definito come “odore di tappo”) dovuto alla presenza di cloroanisoli e bromoanisoli rappresenta uno dei principali difetti sensoriali per cui il consumatore può rifiutare un vino, ed è un problema di notevole impatto economico. E’ necessario precisare che la contaminazione del vino non è sempre causata dal tappo di sughero (Mirabel, et al., 2007). I composti responsabili sono numerosi, ma nell’80% dei casi si tratta del 2,4,6-tricloroanisolo (TCA), che è il composto con la soglia di percezione più bassa (4ng/L), con odore di muffa, cartone bagnato. Esso deriva per metilazione operata da muffe (Penicillium, Asperigillus, Actinomyces e Streptomyces) dal 2,4,6-triclorofenolo e da altri composti a base di cloro.
Altri composti responsabili di questo difetto sono i seguenti (Ribereau-Gayon et al., 2006): 2,4,6-triclorofenolo (soglia di percezione 43000 ng/L) con odore di chimico, solvente; il 2,3,4,6-tetracloroanisolo (soglia di percezione 4-11 ng/L) con odore di muffa, definito “GUSTO DI MUFFA”; 1-otten-3-olo (soglia di percezione di 20000 ng/L) con odore di fungo e metallico); 1-otten-3-one (soglia di percezione di 20 ng/L) con odore di fungo, metallico; guaiacolo (soglia di percezione 20000 ng/L) con odore di affumicato, fenolico, medicinale; geosmina (soglia di percezione di 25 ng/L) con odore di terroso, fungo; 2-metilisoborneolo (soglia di percezione di 30 ng/L) con odore di terroso, fungo. Altre sostanze che possono essere responsabili sono pentacloroanisolo (soglia di percezione 4000 ng/L) con odore di muffa e pentaclorofenolo (soglia di percezione 32000 ng/L) con odore chimico. Più di recente (Michel, 2003) è stato segnalato anche il 2,4,6-tribromoanisolo (TBA), molecola con una soglia di percezione molto bassa (0,5 ng/L in vini bianchi) e con odore di muffa e fungo che può contaminare tappi di sughero, bottiglie, contenitori della cantina; deriva dal 2,4,6-tribromofenolo (agente ignifugo di materiali vari), è molto volatile e trasportato nell’atmosfera.
Identificare la presenza di TCA mediante analisi sensoriale presenta difficoltà legate all’affaticamento degli assaggiatori, alla diversa sensibilità ed esperienza professionale e all’influenza del substrato. In bibliografia si trovano soglie di percezione molto basse, sino a 0,03 in acqua (Griffith, 1974) e 1-2 ng/L in vino (Casey, 2003) per assaggiatori addestrati.
Risulta ancora più difficile determinare quale sia la soglia per il consumatore, anche se secondo Prescott et al., (2005) sarebbe di 3,1 ng/L in vino bianco. Nello stesso lavoro si è osservato che una certa percentuale di consumatori ha una soglia molto elevata per il TCA oppure non lo giudica sgradevole.
Traduction - anglais Application of the method for the sensory detection of 2,4,6-trichloroanisole (TCA) in wines
The fault that causes wine to have a mouldy, musty smell, and which is commonly but incorrectly referred to as “cork taint”, is the result of the presence of chloroanisoles and bromoanisoles in the wine. It is one of the sensory faults that most often causes consumers to reject a wine and is, therefore, a problem with considerable economic impact. It must be clarified that the contamination of the wine is not always caused by the cork (Mirabel et al., 2007). Many compounds can be responsible, but in 80% of cases the contamination is caused by 2,4,6-trichloroanisole (TCA); a compound with an extremely low perception threshold (4ng/l), which has a mouldy, musty smell, like damp cardboard. This smell is the product of methylation carried out by moulds (Penicillium, Asperigillus, Actinomyces and Streptomyces) related to 2,4,6-trichlorophenol and other chlorine-based compounds. The following compounds can also cause the fault (Ribereau-Gayon et al., 2006): 2,4,6-trichlorophenol (perception threshold 43,000 ng/l), which has a chemical smell, like a solvent; 2,3,4,6-tetrachloroanisole (perception threshold 4-11 ng/l), which has a mouldy, musty smell; 1-Octen-3-ol (perception threshold 20,000 ng/l), which has a metallic, muddy smell; 1-Octen-3-one (perception threshold 20 ng/l), which also has a metallic, muddy smell; guaiacol (perception threshold 20,000 ng/l), which has a smoky, phenolic, medicinal smell; geosmin (perception threshold 25 ng/l), which has an earthy, muddy smell; and 2-methylisoborneol (perception threshold 30 ng/l), which also has an earthy, muddy smell. Other substances that can cause the fault are pentachloroanisole (perception threshold 4,000 ng/l), which has a musky smell, and pentachlorophenol (perception threshold 32,000 ng/l), which has a chemical smell. Recent research (Michel, 2003) has shown that 2,4,6- tribromoanisole (TBA), a molecule with an extremely low perception threshold (0.5 ng/l in white wines) and a mouldy, muddy smell, can also cause the fault, by contaminating corks, bottles or casks. This molecule is derived from 2,4,6-tribromophenol (a flameproof agent which is present in various materials), is particularly volatile and is carried through the air.
Identifying the presence of TCA through sensory analysis presents difficulties with regard to olfactory fatigue in the tasters, to their different levels of sensitivity and professional experience and to the influence of the substratum. According to the reference material, some trained tasters have extremely low perception thresholds for TCA: these can be as low as 0.03 in water and 1-2 ng/l in wine (Casey, 2003).
Determining the consumer’s threshold for TCA is even more difficult, although according to Prescott et al. (2005), it is 3.1 ng/l in white wine. The same study observed that a certain percentage of consumers have an extremely high perception threshold for TCA or do not find it unpleasant.
français vers anglais: A Far-right Woman in the Media: the Case of Marine Le Pen General field: Sciences sociales Detailed field: Gouvernement / politique
Texte source - français Une femme d’extrême droite dans les médias. Le cas de Marine Le Pen
Julie BOUDILLON
Résumé
La naissance politique-médiatique de Marine Le Pen a entraîné des représentations et des stratégies de communication particulières, dont la notion d’ethos peut être un outil d’analyse. L’image de Marine Le Pen reste, sous certains aspects, une image traditionnelle de femme politique. Cependant émerge une représentation inédite, en corrélation avec la présence de plus en plus prégnante du discours privé dans la sphère publique, et marquée par le lien entre l’idéologie populiste et un certain idéal de la « virilité ».
Apparue en plein « coup de tonnerre », pour reprendre une des expressions du lendemain du 21 avril 2002, Marine Le Pen est devenue en quelques mois une figure incontournable du Front national et sa présence soulève cette question : comment se dit et se montre la féminité à l’extrême droite ? Le croisement des disciplines s’avère essentiel pour aborder cet objet « femme politique du Front national ». En effet, l’analyse du discours nous fournit comme entrée théorique l’ethos, construction de l’image de soi dans le discours. Cependant, nous ne pouvons l’utiliser qu’en interrogeant la problématique du genre. Notre travail se propose en effet d’explorer l’hypothèse, déjà travaillée, de la plus-value de la féminité en politique, autrement dit d’examiner le « retournement de stigmate » à l’épreuve du Front national, parti traditionnellement antiféministe. Ces résultats se fondent sur un corpus constitué d’articles de la presse nationale quotidienne et hebdomadaire, ainsi que de reportages télévisés et interventions de Marine Le Pen à des débats politiques ou dits « de société ». Si le corpus est hétérogène en termes de genre journalistique, c’est que l’analyse s’intéresse à une opinion publique généralisée. De fait, les résultats semblent indifférents aux variations de média ou de style.
2La période concernée s’étend d’avril à décembre 2002, intervalle qui a vu la naissance politique autant que médiatique de cette nouvelle figure du Front national.
Traduction - anglais A Far-right Woman in the Media: the Case of Marine Le Pen.
Julie Boudillon
Abstract
Marine Le Pen’s emergence as a political and media figure has involved specific representations and communication strategies, which can be analysed using the concept of ethos. In some respects, Marine Le Pen’s image is still the traditional image of a female politician. A new representation is emerging, however, which corresponds with the increasing presence of private discourse in the public sphere, and is characterised by a connection between populist ideology and a certain ideal of “virility”.
Having appeared in a “coup de tonnerre” (clap of thunder), to borrow an expression often heard in France in the period following 21 April 2002, when her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, came second in the presidential elections, Marine Le Pen has become a central figure of the Front National in a matter of months. Her presence raises the question of how far-right femininity is discussed and displayed. Discourse analysis provides the concept of ethos, the presentation of self in discourse, as a theoretical starting point. This concept, however, is only useful for examining gender issues. It is essential, therefore, to take an interdisciplinary approach when analysing the phenomenon of a “female Front National politician”. This paper explores the hypothesis, which has been advanced in other papers, that femininity has increased in value for politicians. It proposes to examine this “reversal of stigma” in the context of the Front National, a party which has traditionally been anti-feminist. The discussion is based on a corpus of articles from the French daily and weekly press, as well as television reports, and contributions made by Marine Le Pen to political debates and debates with the public. As the paper seeks to analyse broad public opinion, the corpus includes a range of journalistic genres. In fact, variations in media or style do not seem to affect the results.
The period under analysis is April to December 2002, the period in which this new face of the Front National arrived on both the political and media scenes.
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espagnol vers anglais (University of Durham) français vers anglais (University of Durham, verified) italien vers anglais (University of Durham, verified) français vers anglais (University of Leeds, verified) espagnol vers anglais (University of Leeds, verified)
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